> Abstract—We assess the case for generous government-funded maternity leave, focusing on a series of policy reforms in Norway that expanded paid leave from 18 to 35 weeks. We find the reforms do not crowd out unpaid leave and that mothers spend more time at home without a reduction in family income. The increased maternity leave has little effect on children’s schooling, parental earnings and labor force participation, completed fertility, marriage, or divorce. The expansions, whose net costs amounted to 0.25% of GDP, have negative redistribution properties and imply a considerable increases in taxes at a cost to economic efficiency.
Some points of my own:
* It doesn't explore the effects of no paid leave. We can expect that going from 18 to 35 weeks will have a smaller effect than going from 0 to 18.
* There is a note of paid leave being regressive since the program replaced 100% of income; higher-income mothers received more benefits. This ignores the benefit of not penalizing having children, several of which are noted in the wiki[1]
Following on your first point, the paper (grudgingly, IMO) says:
> Whether the initial eighteen weeks is worth the roughly $419 million in annual costs can be debated, since Carneiro et al. (2015) find some benefits associated with the initial reform.
The citation is: Carneiro, P., K. V. Løken, and K. Salvanes, “A Flying Start? Maternity Leave Benefits and Long Run Outcomes of Children,” Journal of Political Economy 123 (2015), 365–412. - http://harris.uchicago.edu/sites/default/files/Salvanes%20af... . Its abstract is:
> We study the impact on children of increasing maternity leave benefits using a reform that increased paid and unpaid maternity leave in Norway in July 1977. Mothers giving birth before this date were eligible only for 12 weeks of unpaid leave, while those giving birth after were entitled to 4 months of paid leave and 12 months of unpaid leave. This increased time with the child led to a 2 percentage points decline in high school dropout and a 5 % increase in wages at age 30. The effect is especially large for children of those mothers who, prior to the reform, would take very low levels of unpaid leave.
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[ 2.5 ms ] story [ 23.1 ms ] threadSome points of my own:
* It doesn't explore the effects of no paid leave. We can expect that going from 18 to 35 weeks will have a smaller effect than going from 0 to 18.
* There is a note of paid leave being regressive since the program replaced 100% of income; higher-income mothers received more benefits. This ignores the benefit of not penalizing having children, several of which are noted in the wiki[1]
[1]https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parental_leave
> Whether the initial eighteen weeks is worth the roughly $419 million in annual costs can be debated, since Carneiro et al. (2015) find some benefits associated with the initial reform.
The citation is: Carneiro, P., K. V. Løken, and K. Salvanes, “A Flying Start? Maternity Leave Benefits and Long Run Outcomes of Children,” Journal of Political Economy 123 (2015), 365–412. - http://harris.uchicago.edu/sites/default/files/Salvanes%20af... . Its abstract is:
> We study the impact on children of increasing maternity leave benefits using a reform that increased paid and unpaid maternity leave in Norway in July 1977. Mothers giving birth before this date were eligible only for 12 weeks of unpaid leave, while those giving birth after were entitled to 4 months of paid leave and 12 months of unpaid leave. This increased time with the child led to a 2 percentage points decline in high school dropout and a 5 % increase in wages at age 30. The effect is especially large for children of those mothers who, prior to the reform, would take very low levels of unpaid leave.